Mini Eiffel Tower Cookie Cutter

The speech at the Liberal Prize in 2005

LIBERAL INTERVENTION OF THE YEAR AWARD 2005


My paper focuses on three topics:

1. The report liberalism / socialism


2. The difficulty to implement liberal reforms in Italy


3. The liberalization of the labor market, as one of the things to do in 2006.

1) I see that many Italian politicians in the room-to-liberal positions have attempted to or have entered into agreements with political elections and socialist movements. I do not want to put anyone under any accusatory index of medieval memory. I leave my place to talk a liberal town ... just to refresh our memories:
agree Liberalism and Socialism in the supreme and ultimate purpose, but differ in the fact that to achieve the same purpose, liberalism identifies the most suitable in private ownership of means of production , while socialism identifies the collective property ... To protect the socialist ideal has been made recently, some attempts to improve the common definition of "socialism" .
But it is not to argue the case on the definition! If someone likes to call socialista un ideale che conserva la proprietà privata dei mezzi di produzione, libero di farlo! Un uomo è libero di chiamare cane un gatto e sole la luna, se gli fa piacere. Bisogna però dire che il capovolgimento della terminologia abitualmente usata, che tutti capiscono, non porta alcun vantaggio e crea solamente malintesi. 
Fra liberalismo e socialismo, occorre identificare un vero e proprio spartiacque che faccia chiarezza terminologica ma anche concettuale.
Per il liberale gli uomini sono tutti diversi. Per il socialista gli uomini sono tutti uguali. Il liberalismo cioè difende la libertà, i socialisti si adoperano per l’affermazione dell’uguaglianza. E questi sono due obiettivi contrapposti, quando si fa politica e ci si trova a dover competere in una società aperta, globalizzata, in piena corsa contro il tempo. O la politica si adopera per limare le differenze, ridurre i divari, accorciare le distanze tra i cittadini oppure opera per permettere ai più bravi di correre di più, ai migliori di avere più riscontri delle loro qualità, ai diversi di veder riconosciuta la loro diversità.
Parlare di uguaglianza e di libertà è un controsenso. Una società che fa della libertà la sua filosofia dominante cercherà di offrire ai suoi cittadini pari opportunità di partenza  ma poi premierà il merito, le differenze, le diversità inherent in the human. This is the truly liberal society that we want to celebrate the award to Professor Giavazzi.
2) I want to reiterate a truth very dangerous for all true Italian liberals. I want to reflect with you on the fact that the liberal state, what all we say we want, if you really should be made to break the so-called " eggs in the basket" of all the lobbyists in Italy. Who are they? Groups of professions and jobs that we know, from the porter union member or the Notary Professorone university. The lobby of Italy mentioned by Professor Giavazzi in his book. All holders of positions of income and power (large or small at will) who would lose their privileges as a result of true liberal reforms.

• We want to liberalize the licensing of taxi drivers (or professional)?. And what do you think there would a taxi driver or a notary?


• We want free universities to recruit and reward the best teachers? And what would all those pseudo-academic of the myriad of universities would be left without funds and without students?


• We want to reduce bureaucracy and costs of the Public? It would live as the hordes of civil servants who suddenly found themselves without a job?


• We want to reduce the army of occupation policy (Members and Senators but also the myriad of local representatives)? And what a parliamentary majority could never vote for this law?

I could continue with many more examples and maybe you, you have come to mind more brilliant. I cite but Stuart Mill: " The value of a state is equal to the value of the individuals who compose it . Well, we Italians are a people of Harlequins :

• We are divided. A Frenchman, Francois Pommereul, wrote: "Italy, which even in its decline has continued to dominate Europe with his ideas, it would certainly be unbeatable if it were united under one government." But we are still Guelphs and Ghibellines. We fight about everything.


• We are envious and cowardly. An Austrian Metternich, wrote: "In Italy we hate from province to province, from city to city, from family to family, from individual to individual." We spend all our time better to find the speck in the other.


• We are proud to be smart ... Another Frenchman, Cocteau, said: "The Italian" medium "of stories is not very different from Italian statistics: it's what you do not pay taxes, that does not line up with branches, which always has a friend, a relative willing to do favors illegal votes that only those who are able to guarantee him the small and large privileges on which always is perched. "

And if we are a people of Harlequins, how can we speak of politicians to serve the country, for serious reforms and effective to reverse course, to give Italy a strong economic base, social and political? We are still at the Guelphs and Ghibellines, in all against all, a prime minister who speaks and to opposition criticism that, on one side of the House that proposes and another that destroys, for administrators who want to do something and administered that are put across. With
propose that the liver then the liberal reforms that affect interest and potentates made? Being a liberal in Italy is very difficult, perhaps utopian and unrealistic, certainly is not for everyone. With DNA as ours a truly liberal political risks his life.
many self-styled liberals now appear daily on the stage of the theater of politics? Well, keep in mind! A liberal is likely to do really.
3) The premium now is subtitled: the 5 things to do in Italy in 2006 . Well, I'd put as priority the full liberalization of the labor market.
not say anything new today, stressing that companies can hardly take it more difficult to dismiss. And this, to give a practical example as stated above, is a vicious circle that harms the best and most willing at all vantaggio dei fannulloni, di quelli che appena assunti reclamano subito il diritto al lavoro (e non il dovere al lavoro), di chi tiene famiglia ed anche due o tre lavori paralleli (ed in nero).
Ed invece i liberali devono chiedersi quali siano gli interessi dei cittadini e quali invece quelli delle aziende. Per scegliere immediatamente “il campo dei cittadini” e proporre vere riforme che vadano a loro vantaggio.
Oggigiorno le aziende (del settore in cui opero) oltre alle ingessature congenite del mercato del lavoro italiano ne pensano sempre una più del diavolo. Per tener bloccato il mercato fanno accordi sottobanco con le società di selezione e gli head-hunter arrivando addirittura a vere minacce in caso di “ fishing "for candidates in their territory.
What does all this mean? In a truly liberal country, where each company was free to determine its cost of labor (and social contributions) as a function of its market demand and profitability, every citizen would have in front of a myriad of job opportunities. Most effective would be the subject of the wars of the market (as-perhaps-in football), wages rise to a halt and no one would feel more damaged (and bullied) by her current employer.
contrast, the suspension of the market (and the cartel agreements of the companies) benefit the holders of positions of power, aligning to the low wages of workers and especially by minimizing the opportunities to change jobs.
is then that among the 5 things to do in 2006 we would recommend:

• the elimination of all collective agreements category


• the prohibition of cartels, agreements, covenants, agreements between companies aimed at limiting demand / labor supply and therefore contrary to the interests of employees and the spirit of the principles of freedom;


• the abolition of the obligation of the worker layoff in collaboration with the company to do so through private insurance;


• freedom of hiring and firing agreement between the parties of obvious instruments of social safety nets.

's all, I thank you and greet you all.

Skier Hurt Stratton Jan 17 2010

The crisis of PLI Milan

While in Rome, the PLI is working to stand alone the general election, a unilateral decision of a few members does it disappear in Milan.

This crisis has precise and last names: some members are simple, others are of regional leadership roles entrusted to them with a clear mandate: to defend and assert the identity of the Italian Liberal Party in Lombardy.

As always grant anyone the right to respond to our allegations. Will publish everything as long as these replicas are precise and concentrated mainly on the facts below. May not be used out of context.

start then.

BACKGROUND.
November 19, 2005. the Regional Congress of the PLI was elected by acclamation the Office of the Secretary made Luigi Paganelli (PLI expression of the Presidium of Monza and Brianza, Italy), Mario Caputi (expression of the political movement Right Liberal / Liberal Italy) and Mariarosa Varotto (expression of the Presidium PLI of Pavia). The Executive Secretary shall record in the first meeting of a detailed business plan oriented to the formation of working groups aimed at raising the PLI Lombard. In particular, she creates three:

1. What to elaborate the joint program (made from red-head who is appointed-and Tescari, Melley and Porphyry Todaro)


2. What charged with engaging in political discussions with other forces, in order to assess any possible alliance (it included the heads of the provincial presidents and the Office of Secretary as Policy Coordination)


3. those in charge of the work reunification of the rest of liberal that have not yet recognized in the Liberal Party, made up Gabriel Splinter (which was to be appointed chairman), Giancarlo Morandi, Alberto Panigalli and Pierangelo Rossi.

January 16, 2006. Right Liberal / Liberal Italy, in a meeting open to all, his proposal to participate in the administration of Milan, where a list appears the name of the PLI and its own candidate for mayor, and say they are ready to discuss this proposal with all amici liberali lombardi.

2 Febbraio 2006 . Giancarlo Morandi, Pino Samà e Giampaolo Berni chiamano gli iscritti milanesi per “scegliere” se presentare una lista insieme ai repubblicani e ai riformatori liberali in appoggio alla Signora Moratti. Nel corso della riunione, Giancarlo Morandi e Pierangelo Rossi annunciano un convegno (Circolo della Stampa, 10 Febbraio) per la presentazione ufficiale della lista. Pierangelo Rossi illustra brevemente il programma. Mario Caputi prende la parola e critica la “scelta”. Luigi Paganelli prende la parola e la appoggia. Con email del 3 Febbraio, Luigi Paganelli informa tutto il PLI lombardo della “scelta”, allegando il nuovo logo (dove per inciso scompare la bandiera e scompare il nome del PLI) ed invita tutti gli amici a diffondere la notizia e a far promozione del convegno del 10 Febbraio.


LE PRECISE RESPONSABILITA’.
La “scelta” affrettata ed unilaterale da parte di una parte PLI milanese ha profonde conseguenze, essendo molto dannosa per la situazione contingente in cui versa il PLI nazionale oltre che per gli effetti dirompenti in seno alla Segreteria Regionale lombarda.

Vediamo in dettaglio:

A. DANNO AL PLI NAZIONALE

1. This "choice" harm the national policy of PLI . While the National Secretariat, on behalf of Mr Stefano de Luca, mustering all the cadres of the Party for the very difficult business to run alone in the forthcoming policy, in Milan - the economic capital of Italy and perhaps even political-the PLI drowned sees its identity and it shows ousted from the elections. This "choice" PLI cancel the mark in the Italian city of reference, has always been liberal, to run after an alliance and a civic list that has yet to be defined in all its details.


2. Questa “scelta” è un regalo ad altre forze politiche. Questa “scelta” mette sullo stesso piano le forze del PLI e di DL/LpI su Milano con quelle (tutte da verificare in termini elettorali) dei salmoni e dei repubblicani. Alle ultime elezioni provinciali di Milano, DL/LpI prese lo 0,7% dei voti, diventato 1,5% al Collegio 3 di Milano. Alle regionali del 2005, il PLI a Milano prese l’1%. Dove saremmo arrivati assieme? Questa “scelta” rende impossibile verificarlo.

B. TRADIMENTO DELLO SPIRITO DEL CONGRESSO REGIONALE LOMBARDO

1. Questa “scelta” tradisce il mandate of the regional congress of the PLI Lombard . The Regional Congress of November brought together more than a hundred liberal Lombard in the common aspiration to revive the identity of the PLI in Lombardy. The "choice" removes any visibility to the PLI to the benefit of many other political movements that are increasingly rubbing of the term "liberal". This "choice" rather than focus on the birthright of the mark, he takes away from the elections. The "choice" is therefore contrary to the conclusions of the Regional Congress because it protects the identity of the PLI in Lombardy.


2. This "Choice" does not respect the agreements made in Congress Regional Lombardo . The working group (committee) for the reunification of the Liberals, whose sole purpose was precisely to draw common platforms with other liberal groups Lombard, has never been given the opportunity to work: Gabriele Glitter has never been appointed president and Alberto Panigalli has never been allowed to join. These omissions resulted in a letter of complaint to the Regional Secretary Luigi Paganelli signed by myself and other friends. This letter of censure is still no formal response.


3. This "choice" was made in defiance of decisions of the Secretary .

Before the regional congress, Pierangelo Rossi has met twice with myself and with Gabriel Glitter on the liberal program. It was demonstrated careful to understand what we proposed, to incorporate what they liked and discard with the decision than he was a genius. After the regional conference as-told-the Regional Secretariat had appointed a working group on the program and Pierangelo Rossi was appointed its manager. This working group is not has never met. By what right, I ask, you can say that the program is the program of Pierangelo Rossi PLI? Who has made the decisions della Segreteria Regionale? Chi non rispetta le regole che ci si era dati in Lombardia?

C. QUESTA “SCELTA” NON IMPEGNA IL PLI.

1. Questa “scelta” è formalmente corretta solo per pura fortuna. L’atto di costituzione del presidio milanese del PLI, firmato da Giampaolo Berni e Pino Samà, NON risale al Dicembre 2004 come sempre comunicato e ritenuto, ma al Gennaio 2006. Di questo se ne è accorto il sottoscritto, che dopo aver telefonato alla Segreteria romana, aveva avvisato l’amico Berni di regolarizzare la nascita del suo Presidio. Senza tale atto, la riunione del 2 febbraio fatta a nome presidium of the PLI-Milan was also formally completely irregular.


2. This "choice" is instead made in a personal capacity. Since the working groups called by the Regional Secretariat of the PLI to join the Liberals, to define a common agenda and to identify a shortlist of possible shared alliances have never met, it is glaringly obvious that no one may be entitled to speak on behalf PLI of Lombard, either on a common list with other liberals, either in its definition of a program, nor within the definition of alliances. Those who did may not have done that are merely personal. We repeat: Morandi and Rossi hanno nessun titolo per decidere a nome del PLI Lombardo. Samà e Berni non possono unilateralmente decidere senza consultare l’Ufficio di Segreteria su una città così importante come Milano.


3. Questa “scelta” è stata tenuta nascosta a tanti. Le affermazioni fatte giovedì 2.02 da Morandi, Samà, Berni e Rossi, nonché la mail di Paganelli di venerdì 3.02, dimostrano che non c’erano due scelte sul tavolo, ma UNA sola. Quei liberali milanesi convenuti non stavano quindi scegliendo nulla: solo prendendo atto di una “scelta” unilaterale già presa da pochi.

E mentre a Roma l’On. Stefano de Luca rightly considered it appropriate to convene the third National Council before deciding the line held at the PLI policies, in Lombardy there was only one preparatory meeting for this "choice" nor it was considered appropriate to involve the Deputy Secretary PLI of Lombardy and the intentions of the consequences of it despite the regional congress, despite the recent alliance with DL / LPI and despite the common journey just begun.
For the eight reasons listed above is not clear how damage has been done to national PLI, has betrayed the spirit of the Regional Congress Lombardo and-especially-has been used misuse the name of the PLI.
For the same reasons, the "choice" can not bind members to the Liberals in Lombardy and is considered invalid, the Secretary of Paganelli , which, if truly cultivate respect for the party which he said to join, should not sign and speak on behalf of the PLI-and-seek in the case to take positions in fledgling list Liberals, Republicans and liberal reforms.

So:

1. From Deputy Secretary of PLI Lombard, says he does not recognize the "choice" and commit from now on to find other ways to defend the identity, name and logo of the PLI to the next electoral contest .


2. coordinator of Milan DL / I DL LPI / LPI freed from any commitment in the Regional Congress of PLI, then free to dissolve an alliance into crisis by the people ' had originally pursued free-and-above all to show up at the next elections with a name, a flag with a yellow background, an identity, a strong program and people of liberal and coherent identity of continuous membership and courageous policy.

Mario Caputi